Shalom Haver: The Legacy of Yitzchak Rabin
Sermon, November 11, 2005
Rabbi Bruce Kadden
Ten years ago this week, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzchak Rabin was shot and
killed following a massive peace rally in Tel Aviv on motzei Shabbat. I
remember clearly hearing the news on television, first that he had been shot,
and then later that he had died.
My first reaction, and indeed the initial reaction of many in the Jewish
community, was that it must have been done by a Palestinian Arab. But it
quickly became known that the assassin was Yigal Amir, a 27-year old Jewish
Israeli law student.
This was, of course, not the first time that a Jew had killed another Jew.
The Chanukah story is in part a struggle between Jewish nationalists and Jewish
assimilationists. And more recently, in 1933, Chaim Arlosoroff, an important
leader in what would become Israel’s Labor Party, was murdered on a Tel Aviv
beach by right-wing extremists. Nevertheless, Rabin’s assassination sent
shockwaves through the Jewish community. How could one Jew murder another? How
could the rhetoric, which had been quite vitriolic as the peace efforts
progressed, escalate to violence and murder?
The days following Rabin’s assassination saw an outpouring of grief and
homage to the fallen leader. In Salinas, I received many phone calls from
people I knew and people I did not know, expressing their condolences. I
received letters from Bishop Sylvester Ryan of the Diocese of Monterey and other
community leaders; a number of local ministers joined me in a memorial service
we held at the synagogue. Most touching was a 10-year-old friend of Micah’s who
came up to me and said, “I’m sorry that they killed your leader.”
The funeral, broadcast live and attended by leaders from around the world,
contained heartfelt eulogies and words of praise from politicians and family
members. President Clinton’s touching, two-word conclusion to his remarks,
shalom haver, good-bye friend, symbolized the love and respect that so many
had for him.
Rabin was born in Jerusalem in 1922 into a family of socialists. Growing up
in the 1920s and 1930s, he thought of becoming an agronomist or an engineer.
But when it became clear that the dream of an independent Jewish state could
only be realized with a strong military, he joined the Palmach, the elite strike
force of the pre-state Jewish army.
In 1945, he commanded a daring raise in an attempt to liberate 200 Jews who
were held by the British in a detention camp for trying to illegally immigrate.
He was arrested and interned for six months by the British for his activities.
At age 26, Rabin commanded the Harel Brigade which defended Jerusalem in the
War of Independence against larger and better armed Arab forces. Rabin was
considered Israel’s top military expert, and from 1963-1968 he served as army
chief of staff, which included the planning and implementing of the Six-Day War
in June, 1967.
Following the war, he served as Israel’s ambassador to the United States,
laying the foundation for strong, lasting relations between the two countries.
Indeed, during the Yom Kippur War, when Israel desperately needed arms, it was
his connections with the American leadership that proved crucial in assuring
their procurement.
When fallout from the Yom Kippur War forced Prime Minister Golda Meir to step
down, the Labor Party chose Rabin to succeed her, even though he had limited
political experience. At age 52, he was the youngest Prime Minster in Israel’s
history.
His first tenure as Prime Minister was short lived, as he was forced to
resign when news of his wife’s illegal U.S. bank account became public. A short
time later, Shimon Peres replaced him as leader of the Labor Party. Peres and
Labor, however, lost the 1977 election to Menachem Begin and the Likud Party.
Rabin returned to a leadership role in 1984, when the Labor-Likud coalition
government selected him as defense minister, a tribute to the wide respect he
had from members of both parties. Then, in the 1992 elections, the Labor party
triumphed in a close election. Rather than bringing a couple of the religious
parties into his government, Rabin took the bold step of forming a coalition
with the left-wing parties. Even though this left him with a slim majority, it
helped assure that he would have the requisite support for the peace process.
That process had slowed considerably since peace with Egypt had been
achieved. Rabin wasted no time in revitalizing the dormant peace process, and
quickly achieved a dramatic breakthrough with the Oslo accords and then the
agreement with Yassar Arafat and the Palestinians which was signed on the White
House lawn. Despite his personal distrust of and antipathy toward Arafat, who
he knew was behind much of the terrorism directed at Israel, Rabin recognized
that peace could only be achieved if Arafat and the PLO were part of the
process. For this accomplishment Rabin, Arafat and Peres were awarded the Nobel
Peace Prize.
Rabin continued the peace process, signing a treaty with Jordan and working
for the implementation of the agreement with the Palestinians. Rabin and King
Hussein of Jordan had often met secretly over the years, and had developed a
deep friendship for each other, which was evidence by Hussein’s words at Rabin’s
funeral.
But the efforts for peace brought rising dissent on the political right, and
opposition rhetoric rose above its normal level of intensity. Anti-government
protests turned violent, as demonstrators attempted to block intersections or
claim more territory for Jewish settlements. Rabin was called a traitor and
depicted as an SS officer. Religious fanatics had even placed a curse on Rabin
and his government.
While these actions only represented the fringe element in Israel, they were
tolerated and to some extent quietly supported by the Likud leadership and
others on the right who were opposed to the peace process. The large peace
rally held on that fateful night 10 years ago was held to a great extent in
response to such protests to demonstrate that Rabin had significant support.
The turnout and enthusiasm exceeded expectations, momentarily raising the
hopes and spirits of Rabin and his supports. But those hopes and spirits were
shattered when Rabin was assassinated.
Rabin’s murder did not end the peace process. I am not going to review what
has happened the last ten years, the anguish and despair, the triumphs and the
tragedies, the pain and suffering that have endured despite efforts to make
peace. No doubt things would have been different if Rabin had not been shot,
but we have no way of knowing if he would have been able to bring his dream of
peace to fruition. Thinking about “what if” can drive one crazy.
What we can do is hope and pray that Rabin’s legacy, the vision of peace that
he embraced will continue to inspire ten years later. That hope is reflected in
the words to the song Shir LaShalom, the song that Rabin and more than
100,000 of his supports sang at the end of the rally:
“Let the sun rise and give morning light. The
purest prayer will not bring us back him whose candle was snuffed out and was
buried in the dust. A bitter cry won’t wake him, won’t bring him back. Nobody
will return us from the dead dark pit. Here neither the victory cheer nor songs
of praise will help.
“So, sing only a song for peace, do now whisper a
prayer.
Better you shall sing a song for peace with a great
shout.
“Let the sun penetrate through the flowers. Don’t
look backward, forget those who walk away. Lift your eyes with hope, not
through the rifle sights. Sing a song for love and not for wars. Don’t say the
day will come; bring the day because it is not a dream. And within all the city
squares cheer only for peace.”
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