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Jews and the Civil War
Sermon, July 30, 2004
Rabbi Bruce Kadden

“Only 150,000 Jews lived in the United States on the eve of the Civil War, but their collective experience provides a study, in microcosm, of the accommodating power of American democracy.  That the Jews emerged from the ordeal of war with new civil guarantees and a heightened sense of belonging testifies to the temperateness of their leaders and to the decency of Americans at large.”

Those words, from the back cover of Bertram W. Korn’s book American Jewry and the Civil War, aptly summarize the Jewish experience during this most important event in American history.  As I continue my series of sermons on American Jewish history, I turn this evening to issues which affected the Jewish community during the Civil War.

At the time of the American Revolution, only a few thousand Jews were living in the 13 colonies.  Most were Sephardim, who had made there way to North America either from South or Central America or directly from Holland.  The Jewish population of the United States remained small through the early 19th century.  But events in Europe would change that.  The French conquest of Germany by Napoleon had brought civil rights to the Jews there, but when he was defeated at Waterloo, many of these rights were revoked.  This turn of events led to significant emigration from Germany, not only of Jews, but of Catholics and Protestants as well. 

According to Howard Sachar, “two million German-speaking Europeans migrated to the United States” between 1815 and the beginning of the Civil War.  Among them were almost 150,000 Jews.  They settled not only in East Coast cities such as New York, and Charleston, cities which already had synagogues and small Jewish communities, but in the Midwest and South, in such places as Cincinnati, St. Louis and New Orleans.  Some even made their way out west to San Francisco and Seattle.

Though they were a growing presence, according to Sachar, “they remained essentially an immigrant one.  Dispersed throughout the country, still without authoritative leadership, still vulnerable economically and psychologically as non-Christians, they were more exposed even more than Gentile immigrants to the pressures and ideologies of American life.”

Thus, as the issues of slavery and secession from the Union became increasingly contentious, Jewish leaders found themselves pressured to speak out on these issues.  And although they turned to the Torah and other Jewish sources to support their positions, they were more strongly influenced by their circumstance of geography than by religious ideology.  For the most part, rabbis and Jewish leaders in the South supported slavery and the cause of the southern states, while their northern counterparts voiced opposition to slavery and to secessionism. 

Some northern Jewish leaders refrained from taking a public position on these controversial issues, but others –like Rabbi David Einhorn of Baltimore’s Har Sinai Congregation—spoke out vociferously.  Though Maryland was a border state which did not secede from the Union, many of its citizens were sympathetic to the South and its cause.  “Einhorn sermonized so vigorously against slavery from his Baltimore pulpit that a secessionist mob eventually destroyed his congregational newspaper and forced him to leave town,” according to Sachar. 

On the other hand, Rabbi Morris Raphall of New York spoke in favor of slavery, citing biblical texts to support his position.  While Rabbi Raphall pointed out that the slave “is a person in whom the dignity of human nature is to be respected” which was clearly not the case in the South, his remarks were widely interpreted as supporting this institution.

As for Jewish leaders of the South, no record of public opposition to slavery has been recorded; a few Jews wrote in support of the practice.  In fact, many Jews, like their neighbors, owned slaves and some were slave dealers, though the claim that Jews ran the slave business is demonstrably false.

When the southern states seceded from the Union, Jewish leaders increased their public support for the Confederacy.  Judah P. Benjamin, who had been a senator from Louisiana until he resigned, became one of Jefferson Davis’s closest advisors and served in his cabinet as Secretary of War and then as Secretary of State.  Benjamin and other prominent southern Jews were often the subject of anti-Semitism, even though their ties to the Jewish community were tenuous at best.

Anti-Jewish sentiment was also apparent in the North, and at the center of two significant controversies.  Until the Civil War, all military chaplains had been Christian.  In 1861, a bill before congress insisted that regimental chaplains be “regularly ordained minister[s] of some Christian denomination.”  Despite an attempt by at least one Congressman to amend the bill to include other religions, it passed without change.

The matter, however, attracted little attention until it was discovered that a regiment of the 5th Pennsylvania Cavalry had a Jewish chaplain, Michael Allen.  Although he was a devout Jew, who had studied under Rabbi Isaac Leeser, he was a chaplain to all the troops, and apparently served without any controversy until the fact that he was a Jew was made public by YMCA worker.  Rather than face the humiliation of being dismissed from his post, Allen resigned, citing ill health.

This incident caught the attention of Jewish leaders, who began a campaign to change the law.  Before the end of the year, the matter was brought to the attention of President Lincoln by Jewish leaders, and the President promised to support “a new law broad enough to cover what is desired by you in behalf of the Israelites.”  By the middle of the next year, Lincoln indeed signed a law, delivering on his promise. 

A more serious controversy soon arose, however.  The war had brought disruption to a number of industries and to the transportation and trade of certain commodities.  Yet, the demand for basic products, such cotton, as well as military and medical supplies, remained high.  Many Jews were among traders in such cities as Memphis; they often stood out because of their accents and appearance. 

General U.S. Grant initially ordered that within 24 hours “all cotton speculators, Jews, and other vagrants…leave” the Department of Tennessee as his territory was called.  But when this decree was made official by Order No. 11, it only made reference to Jews, accusing them of “violating every regulation of trade established by the Treasury Department.”  Although aimed a traders, the order was applied to all Jews in the territory, which encompassed not only Tennessee, but also Mississippi and much of Kentucky.

In response to this Order, Cesar Kaskel, a merchant from Paducah, Kentucky, sent a telegram of protest to President Lincoln and then traveled to the White House to meet with the President.  Although reaction to Grant’s Order was mixed, Kaskel had many letters and editorials in opposing the measure.  Lincoln immediately cancelled the order.  Although Grant never expressed regret for his order, as President he became “a model of solicitude in behalf of Jews living both in the Untied States and abroad,” according to Sachar.

The end of the Civil War began the long, but difficult process of healing.  Many Jewish soldiers had died on both sides and family members had often fought against other family members.  The Jewish leadership took a number of lessons from the war, lessons that we should remember today.  First of all they recognized the importance of speaking out on the issues of the day.  Although Rabbi Einhorn was run out of town for his outspoken opposition to slavery, and other rabbis and community leaders were criticized for the stands they took, most Jews wanted their leaders to speak out. 

A second lesson was the importance of access to political leaders and the political process.  The chaplaincy controversy and Grant’s Order No. 11 demonstrated that being able to work with members of Congress and the President was crucial to protecting the rights of Jews.  Indeed, even Grant, on becoming President, recognized the benefits of supporting Jewish causes.

A final lesson that the Jewish community learned was the need for the Jewish community to be unified.  Up to this point, there was no national body or organization that represented the Jewish community.  Individual Jews, because of their prominence, often spoke for the Jewish community, but their voices sometimes clashed, to the detriment of their cause.  Next week I will discuss the effort to bring the American Jewish community together by Isaac Mayer Wise.

The Jewish community learned much from its experiences before and during the Civil War.  It learned that it was important to speak out on the issues of the day; it learned of the importance of access to political power, and it learned of the importance to being a unified community.  Almost a century and a half later, we still need to remind ourselves of these important lessons as we struggle with the issues that we face today.  Building on these lessons, we can maintain a strong Jewish community and continue to play a vital role in the unfolding story of the American people.

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